Wir haben uns mit der Journalistin Meşale Tolu zum Interview getroffen, um uns über ihr neu herausgekommenes Buch „Mein Sohn bleibt bei mir!“ (Rowohlt Verlag) zu unterhalten. Tolu wurde nach dem Putschversuch 2016 in der Türkei festgenommen und entschied sich, ihren zweijährigen Sohn Serkan mit in die Haft zu nehmen, als dieser die Trennung von der Mutter nicht verkraftet. Über die Zeit in ihrer Haft und die Zustände in türkischen Gefängnissen für Frauen und Kinder haben wir mit der starken Frau gesprochen, die an ihrem Schmerz aus sich heraus gewachsen ist.

HA: In Ihrem aktuellen Buch „Mein Sohn bleibt bei mir!“ schildern Sie sehr emotional und detailliert von Ihrer Verhaftung und den Haftbedingungen in der Türkei als politische Geisel und Mutter mit Kleinkind. Was hat Sie dazu bewegt, hier in Deutschland all das Erlebte nochmals beim Schreibprozess zu erleben?

MT: Mich hat bewegt meine Geschichte aufzuschreiben, weil mich sehr viele Menschen angesprochen haben und gesagt haben „Sie sind so mutig! So stark und wir sind so stolz auf Sie!“ Ich habe mich immer etwas schlecht gefühlt dabei weil ich auch ein Mensch mit Ängsten bin. Ich hatte auch Angst während all dieser Zeit. Emotional war ich sehr oft bedrückt und vor allem geschwächt. Ich war nicht immer stark. Ich wollte vor allem mit diesem Buch zeigen, dass man all das erleben kann, daher habe ich auch wirklich alles, auch das emotionale, was mich bedrückt hat, aufgeschrieben, damit die Leser sehen können, ich bin so verletzlich gewesen, und ich wurde auch verletzt, aber man kann aus dieser Erfahrung auch Kraft schöpfen. Ich wollte damit anderen Menschen auch zeigen, dass sie für ihre Rechte einstehen müssen, sich solidarisieren müssen, damit sie aus solchen Erfahrungen eben gestärkt hervor kommen können. Die Motivation dieses Buches ist eben zu zeigen: man kann all das erleben, aber man kann weitermachen! Es ist wichtig weiter zu machen, vor allem für die Zukunft eines Menschen. Das war die Hauptmotivation alles aufzuschreiben wie es ist, wobei das immer eine Gefahr ist, weil man dadurch noch verletzlicher wird, denn nicht jeder ist liebenswürdig, manche sind auch sehr feindselig mir gegenüber. Aber ich nehme das alles in Kauf, weil ich denke dass im großen und ganzen das Ergebnis positiver ist, den Menschen ganz offen über alles zu berichten um sie zu motivieren weiter zu kämpfen.

Das Problem ist, dass es keine kindgerechte Gefängnishaltung in der Türkei gibt

HA: Sie entscheiden sich mit Ihrem zwei jährigen Sohn Serkan die Haft durchzustehen, nachdem er die Trennung von Ihnen kaum durchhalten kann. Sie sind in dieser Entscheidung kein Einzelfall. Momentan befinden sich knapp 800 Kleinkinder mit ihren Müttern in Haft, obwohl ein klarer Schutz und Ausnahmeregelungen von Frauen mit Kindern in Haftsituationen per Gesetz geregelt sind und derzeit in der Türkei missachtet werden. Wie muss man sich die Situation in den Gefängnissen der Türkei vorstellen? Gibt es Maßnahmen oder Vorkehrungen die „kindgerecht“ sind?

MT: Leider gibt es in der Türkei sehr viele Kinder, die mit ihren Eltern inhaftiert sind, vor allem Kinder im Alter von 0-6 Jahren. Die Zahl beläuft sich derzeit auf 700-800 Kinder. Es gibt aber keine Statistik darüber, wie viele Kinder draußen bleiben müssen. Also das heißt Kinder ab 6 Jahren, die ohne Eltern aufwachsen müssen, meist sind Vater und Mutter betroffen, das heißt Kinder werden von Verwandten großgezogen oder in Jugendheimen. Dann gibt es auch Fälle, bei denen die Kinder kleiner sind, zum Beispiel bei der HDP Abgeordneten Burcu Celik Özkan. Die Tochter ist 5 Jahre alt und ist nicht mit der Mutter im Gefängnis, weil sie einfach Angst hat. Dieses Kind versteht nicht was ein Gefängnis-Komplex ist, hat Angst vor den Wärterinnen und diese Angst hindert sie daran bei ihrer Mutter zu bleiben. Das zeigt eigentlich, dass Kinder für die Beschuldigungen der Eltern mitbestraft werden. Die Eltern müssen nichts verbrochen haben und dennoch werden ganze Familien in dieses Bestrafungssystem hineingezogen. Es gibt dort türkische Mütter, kurdische Mütter oder aus anderen Staaten Frauen, die versucht haben in der Türkei eine Existenz aufzubauen, und auch wegen verschiedenen Gründen kriminalisiert und inhaftiert wurden. Das Problem ist, dass es keine kindgerechte Gefängnishaltung in der Türkei gibt. Das heißt, es wird nicht wirklich für das Wohl der Kinder gesorgt. Wenn Kinder zum Beispiel nicht in den Gefängnis Kindergarten gehen, was bei vielen Kindern in Haft vorkommt, weil sie Angst haben sich von der Mutter zu trennen, dann tritt der Fall ein wie bei meinem Sohn Serkan, dass er keine kindgerechte Nahrung bekommt, also nur die Speisen für die Erwachsenen mitessen kann, mit mir in der Zelle ist, kein Kinderbett hat, keine Kindertoilette hat. Spielsachen sind generell verboten! Sie dürfen nur mit den Spielsachen des Kindergartens spielen, und das sind meistens Spielsachen aus Plastik, die nach zweimal Fahren kaputt gehen. Das System ist folglich nicht so eingerichtet, dass Kinder dort überleben können. Lediglich das Engagement der Häftlinge und Mütter dort ermöglicht das Überleben der Kinder dort in Haft, damit sie zumindest einen Hauch von kindgerechtem Leben spüren können, das heißt, wenn wir Bilder an die Wand malen, wenn wir aus Plastikflaschen Autos bauen, nur dann können wir diese Kinder etwas motivieren ein normales Kinderleben dort zu erleben. Aber ganz sicher ist es hinter Gittern kein normales Leben. Hinter grauen Zellen Kinder großzuziehen, die eigentlich genau das Gegenteil symbolisieren, nämlich Farbe, Lebensfreude, Vielfalt… Das System ist eigentlich von daher so ausgerichtet, Eltern insbesondere dadurch zu bestrafen, indem sie auch die Kinder bestrafen!

Ich habe daran gezweifelt, ob die Entscheidung richtig war, Serkan mit ins Gefängnis zu nehmen

HA: Sie beschreiben die erste Nacht als Serkan mit Ihnen in der Gefängniszelle verbringt. Weder Windel noch Schnuller oder Milchflasche, die von ihrer Familie mitgebracht wurden, wurden Ihnen in dieser Nacht bereitgestellt. Wie muss man sich eine solche Nacht vorstellen?

MT: Die erste Nacht war auch meine schlimmste Nacht. Das war die Nacht in der ich auch sehr viel bereut habe. Bereut in diesem Sinne: ich habe daran gezweifelt, ob die Entscheidung richtig war, Serkan mit ins Gefängnis zu nehmen. Mein Sohn hatte nichts! Keine Windel, Pyjamas, Ersatzklamotten! Aber das wichtigste: er hatte keinen Schnuller und keine Milchflasche! Für ein Kind im Alter von zwei Jahren ist das lebensnotwendig! Das war die eine Nacht, wo er auch sehr viel protestiert hat, geweint hat, alles gesagt hat: „Warum sind wir hier? Ich will nach Hause! Was soll das alles?“ Einem zweijährigen Kind, das alles verständlich zu machen, stößt an alle Grenzen! Auch für Mütter- und das sorgt für Verzweiflung! Daher war das meine schlimmste Nacht im Gefängnis. Meinen Sohn musste ich in dieser Nacht weinend in den Schlaf wiegen. Zum Glück hatte ich Frauen, die mich unterstützt und motiviert haben und sagten „alles wird besser!“ Hätten das System und die Gefängniswärter nicht das Ganze erleichtern können? Natürlich hätten sie das alles erleichtern können, indem sie lediglich den Schnuller gegeben hätten. Aber, wie gesagt, weil alles darauf ausgerichtet ist, eine Bestrafung durchzuführen, wurde alles erschwert. Wir haben es dennoch geschafft einen Weg zu finden um Serkan dort schnell einzugewöhnen.

Das Problem ist, dass die Bundesregierung und die EU jahrelang zugesehen hat, wie sich in der Türkei eine Alleinherrschaft etabliert!

HA: Immer noch gelangen viel zu wenige Informationen über die Zustände der Gefängnisse und der Insassen, insbesondere der unschuldigen Kinder an die breite Öffentlichkeit außerhalb der Türkei. Selbst in Deutschland bekommt das Leid zu wenig Gehör. Was denken Sie sind die Ursachen, dass diese prekäre Menschenrechtsverachtung billigend in Kauf genommen wird?

MT: In Deutschland ist immer wieder Öffentlichkeit vorhanden, wenn Deutsche betroffen sind. Wir reden über die bisherigen zwei Jahre und 2017 war der Höhepunkt der deutsch-türkischen Krise. Das war auch das Jahr in dem die Medien sehr viel berichtet haben. Jetzt hören wir immer wieder vereinzelt aus der Türkei über Menschenrechtsverletzungen. Das Problem ist, dass die Bundesregierung und die EU jahrelang zugesehen hat, wie sich in der Türkei eine Alleinherrschaft etabliert! Vor den Augen dieser europäischen Länder, hat Erdogan ein System aufgebaut, dass allein auf ihn zugeschnitten ist. Damit waren eigentlich schon immer Menschenrechtsverletzungen verbunden. Ein weiteres Problem ist, dass das europäische Gericht für Menschenrechte bei vielen Verfahren einfach ein Auge zugedrückt hat, oder sogar negativ entschieden hat und das zeigt uns eigentlich, dass auch die europäischen Länder in ihrem eigenen Interesse handeln, und nur dann reagieren, wenn die mediale Öffentlichkeit und der Druck von den Menschen aus Deutschland beispielsweise, so hoch wird, dass sie nicht mehr Stand halten können- dass für meinen und andere Fälle so viel Druck entstanden ist, haben wir natürlich der Solidarität in diesem Land zu verdanken! Viele Menschen haben sich für uns eingesetzt, sind auf die Straße gegangen, haben darüber berichtet, ich bin mir nicht sicher ob die selbe Öffentlichkeit entstanden wäre, und wir sehen es ja auch an den Beispielen nach uns an Hozan Caney, Patrick K. oder andere Deutsche in der Türkei verurteilt wurden und ihre Haftstrafe absitzen. Das zeigt uns also dass diese Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und der Druck enorm wichtig sind.

HA: Sie haben die deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit, sodass die Bundesregierung ein besonderes Bestreben zur Rettung ihrer Bundesbürgerin gehabt hatte. Ähnlich verhielt es sich auch im Fall von Deniz Yücel. Denken Sie, dass es auch für Nicht-Deutsche Opfer seitens der Regierung eine Möglichkeit der Hilfe oder Solidarisierung geben könnte?

MT: Es ist wichtig, dass die Bundesregierung sich generell für Menschenrechte einsetzt. Dass sie generell darauf achtet, dass die Türkei Abkommen einhält. Die Türkei ist eines der größten NATO-Partner, mit der zweitgrößten Armee in diesem Bündnis, und es sind auch viele weitere Abkommen, wie EU und andere, außerhalb der NATO die mit der Türkei vereinbart sind. Da ist es doch immer wichtig, dass Deutschland immer darauf schaut, dass die Türkei sich an diese Abkommen hält, dass der Partner ein verlässlicher Partner ist. Aber wir sehen an allen Beispielen, dass außer wirtschaftlichen Interessen und sozialen, wie zum Beispiel die Flüchtlingsfrage, alle anderen Abkommen nicht eingehalten werden, und dass tagtäglich Foltervorwürfe oder auch Menschenrechtsverletzungen eigentlich durchsickern aber es keine Reaktion seitens der Bundesregierung oder auch anderen Ländern gibt. Das zeigt uns, dass unsere Politik in Deutschland nicht menschenrechtszentriert sondern wirtschaftlich und militärisch zentriert ist. Interessen treten in den Vordergrund. Das ist sehr schade, weil es sicherlich effektiver wäre wenn der Partner, egal zu welchem Abkommen, einfach ein verlässlicher und vertrauensvoller Partner wäre. Wir haben sehr viele Beispiele erlebt, in denen Deutschland direkt angegriffen wurde von der Türkei, verbal mit „Nazi-Methoden“ beschimpft wurde. Da stellt sich natürlich die Frage, müsste man nicht vorher einige Probleme aus dem Weg räumen, bevor man weiterverhandelt?

Denn genau diese Frauen benötigen auch unsere Solidarität!

HA: Sie beschreiben eine warme und innige Solidarisierung zwischen den weiblichen Inhaftierten in Ihrem Buch. Ähnliche Beschreibungen findet man auch bei Asli Erdogan, die nun Deutschland über die Zustände in der Türkei aufklärt. Wie haben Sie diese Erfahrung in Erinnerung und besteht noch Kontakt zu diesen Frauen?

MT: Die Erfahrungen, die ich im Gefängnis gemacht habe sind eigentlich die besten, die ich in dieser Zeit gemacht habe. Ich erzähle eigentlich von dieser Zeit im Gefängnis sehr positiv, obwohl die ganze Geschichte eine negative Geschichte ist. Das kann man sich vielleicht so vorstellen, wie wenn zwischen Beton-Wänden etwas grünes rauswächst und das ist das positive, was ja auch das Leben symbolisiert. Und im Gefängnis ist auch alles grau, düster, kalt. Nur Fließen und Beton. Dann sind da aber auch ganz warmherzige Frauen in diesen Zellen und unterstützen einen eigentlich komplett ohne irgendwelche Selbstinteressen. Das ist die Phase und die Zeit, die mein Leben verändert hat. Denn ich bin dort als eine Mutter angekommen, die sehr verzweifelt war, die sehr viel Angst hatte, von all dem Erlebten aber auch vor der Zukunft. Diese Frauen haben mir gezeigt, wie ich diese ganzen Schwächen in Stärken umwandle. Sie müssen dafür keine Experten sein, um das zu machen. Es sind Menschen, die dasselbe erlebt haben, und daraus Ergebnisse und Konsequenzen gezogen haben. Daher ist es auch wichtig, diese Solidarität überall bekannt zu machen. Denn genau diese Frauen benötigen auch unsere Solidarität! Ich habe weiterhin Kontakt mit ihnen. Ich kann sie leider nicht mehr besuchen weil ich nun in Deutschland bin. Aber wir haben Briefkontakt. Ich weiß zum Beispiel dass es sehr schön ist wenn sie mein Päckchen bekommen mit Kleidung oder Büchern. Mir hat es sehr viel gebracht, dass ich so viele Bücher von draußen bekommen habe, von fremden Menschen. Ich versuche einfach diese Tradition weiter zu führen, in dem ich ihnen auch kleinere Geschenke mache oder einfach auch nur Bilder schicke und sie wissen, dass es uns gut geht.

Viele Familien hatten wirklich vorher keinerlei politischen Kontakt gehabt und werden jetzt dafür bestraft

HA: Das türkische Regime versucht wenn sie die jeweiligen Beschuldigten nicht fassen kann, diese mittels ihrer Familienmitglieder zu bestrafen, indem sie diese ihrer Rechte beraubt, wie zum Beispiel Ihren Ehemann oder Can Dündars Ehefrau durch die Ein- und Ausreiseverbote. Diese Maßnahmen sind historisch bekannt als Sippenhaft aus dem Nationalsozialismus. Wie empfinden Sie diese Maßnahmen?

MT: Die Maßnahmen, Familienmitglieder zu bestrafen, sind in der Türkei nicht neu. Es ist heute einfach aktueller weil viele populäre Menschen davon betroffen waren oder es immer noch sind. Es gab früher immer wieder Fälle, bei denen man wusste, dass Familienmitglieder entführt wurden oder Gewalt angetan wurde. Es gibt ja in der Türkei auch die Geschichte der „verschwunden- gelassenen-Menschen“. Leider betrifft es heute tausende Menschen. Viele Menschen können selber nicht mehr in die Türkei einreisen und haben auch Angst um die Hinterbliebenen. Der Staat setzt da eine sehr willkürliche Bestrafungsmethode ein- erzwingt eigentlich, dass diese zurück in die Türkei kommen, um ihre Familienmitglieder zu befreien. Ich hatte selbst das Problem, als mein Mann eine Ausreisesperre hatte und als ihm erneut vor zwei Wochen wieder der Pass abgenommen wurde. Das war ein Zeichen dafür um zu sagen „bleibt fern! Oder wir behalten euch hier!“ Das war bei Can Dündar dasselbe. Seine Frau Dilek Dündar hat selber kein Verfahren, es ist nicht rechtens sie in der Türkei festzuhalten, und das über Jahre hinweg. Sie konnte weder ihren Sohn noch ihren Ehemann sehen! All das zeigt uns, dass das sehr diktatorische und reaktionäre Methoden sind, gegen die eigentlich auch die breite Öffentlichkeit protestieren müsste. Auch internationale Sanktionen müssten verordnet werden, denn jeder Mensch kann nur für die eigene Verantwortung zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden und nicht die ganze Familie sollte da mit hineingezogen werden. Viele Familien hatten wirklich vorher keinerlei politischen Kontakt gehabt und werden jetzt dafür bestraft. Leider gibt es auch den Fall dass viele Beamten aus dem Amt entlassen wurden und mit ihnen auch ihre Familienmitglieder. Das zeigt eben dass man damit die ganze Familie einschüchtern will. Also ein ganzes Volk einschüchtern und beängstigen möchte!

Ganz einfache Hausfrauen, die eigentlich keine Ahnung von der Politik und dem öffentlichen Leben hatten

HA: Vor kurzem wurde über die Sozialen Medien über einen Vorfall in Halfeti berichtet bei dem Frauen beim Verhör schwer misshandelt und gefoltert wurden. Derartig gewaltige Übergriffe sind leider kein Einzellfall. Es scheint derzeit generell eine vermehrte Gewalt gegenüber Frauen und Kindern in der Türkei zu geben. Was glauben Sie sind die Gründe dafür? Wie würden Sie in einem Dreieck von Gesetzen, Traditionen und politischer Polarisierung den Gewaltmechanismus an Frauen interpretieren?

MT: In der Türkei ist das Patriarchat leider sehr stark ausgeprägt. Das ist nicht neu! In der türkischen Kultur und Tradition war das schon immer so, dass die Frau selbst noch hinter dem Ochsen kam, also erst der Mann, dann das Vieh und dann erst die Frau. Diese Haltung wird heute von dieser Regierung auch repräsentiert und vertreten. Der Staatspräsident selbst hat immer wieder verkündet, Frauen sollen drei Kinder gebären und gefälligst in ihren eigenen vier Wänden sitzen. Alle anderen Frauen, die diese traditionelle Geschlechterrolle nicht einhalten, werden dafür bestraft. Daher ist es nicht zufällig, dass insbesondere Politikerinnen, also Frauen, die sich in die Politik einmischen, für ihr Verhalten bestraft werden und auch repressiv behandelt werden. Es gab in den 80er und 90er Jahren viele Fälle von Vergewaltigung und sexuelle Nötigung in Polizeihaft. Das gibt es leider heute immer noch. Die Aussagen dazu sind alle sehr überzeugend. Ich selber bin oft Zeuge geworden in Polizeihaft, wie Frauen neben mir schwer misshandelt wurden, Gewalt angetan wurde. Insbesondere in dieser neuen Phase, also nach dem Putschversuch 2016, wurden sehr viele unschuldige Frauen wegen der Fethullah Gülen Mitgliedschaft unter diesen Vorwürfen festgenommen. Ganz einfache Hausfrauen, die eigentlich keine Ahnung von der Politik und dem öffentlichen Leben hatten. Und all diese Frauen kennen sich natürlich auch nicht darin aus, Widerstand zu leisten! In ihren Fällen droht der Staat mit Familie und Kindern! Hierbei argumentiert die Regierung mit religiösen Argumenten in dem sie sagt „in unserer Religion ist die Frau an zweiter Stelle!“ oder an hinterster Stelle. Das wird den Frauen immer wieder so lanciert. Sie sollen sich gefälligst in ihren Schranken bewegen ansonsten erfahren sie andere Dinge. Aber ich denke dass es in der Türkei trotzdem eine große Widerstandskultur gibt, vor allem bei den Frauen. Wir können heute sagen, die Frauenbewegung in der Türkei die stärkste zivile Bewegung ist. Das sehen wir an den 8. März Märschen in Istanbul, aber auch am 25. November, am Tag gegen Gewalt an Frauen. Da sehen wir eben, dass Frauen immer wieder die Schranken brechen, dass sie sich nicht in die Rolle einzwängen lassen wollen, dass sie gegen Ehrenmorde, familiäre Gewalt, gegen staatliche Gewalt auf die Straße gehen. Und das erwartet man eigentlich gar nicht, weil man denkt, wenn Frauen so häufig Opfer von Gewalt werden, dann trauen sie sich nicht mehr. Aber es ist genau das Gegenteil! Weil sie eben so viel Gewalt und Repression erfahren, sind sie an ihre Grenzen angekommen. Viele Frauen protestieren dagegen, selbst wenn es sie das Leben kostet. Es gibt sehr viele Frauen, die ihre Ehemänner ermorden müssen, weil ansonsten ihr Leben in Gefahr ist, was ja dann eigentlich Selbstschutz ist. Man muss es als Selbstschutz sehen weil in der Türkei täglich fünf Frauen an Ehrenmord ihr Leben verlieren. Die frauenfeindliche Politik des Staates möchte all das mit Religion und anderem begründen.

In this article, we interview renowned Turkish author, Çiler Ilhan. In 2011, Ilhan’s book, Exile, won the EU Prize for Literature. She is also a member of the Dutch and Turkish PEN Centres, the voices for literature and freedom of expression in the respective countries. Here, we discuss her work, her personal experiences as a women and the situation of women and girls in Turkey.

The Platform for Peace and Justice focuses on human rights, democracy, peace and justice in Turkey as well as all over the world and thus, it is a great pleasure to be able to talk to you as a Turkish writer about your views and opinions on human rights and women’s rights in Turkey and elsewhere.

In the 1930s, Turkey was a great example regarding women’s rights and even served as a model for the surrounding Middle Eastern countries. Today, however, it appears as if women’s rights in Turkey are declining. Some even argue that women’s rights have been deteriorating since the rise in power of the AKP. Would you agree with this? Are there certain personal experiences that you can refer to as an illustration?

What happened in Turkey in 1930s was just a start. You cannot transform a patriarchal country in a few decades. It needs a solid plan that includes legislation, education of both children and adults and, well, marketing too, if you like. Legislation delivered a big step forward making women firstly “visible”, and then “equal”. Unfortunately, the governments after 1950 did not inherit and continue the mission of the founders of the republic; they fell into populist traps willingly or unwillingly.

Having said this, I truly believe the question of women’s rights is not an issue only in Turkey. There is still a long and bumpy road to be covered for actual equality, even in the most “modern” societies. But in many European countries, the law protects women even if traditions do not; this is the big and crucial difference. And where law is enforced, people have a tendency to follow it on a social level, which then brings a sense of shame to the perpetrators.

We all know that laws can be interpreted, stretched or abused in the hands of the implementers. Hence, under a “big-brother”-esque guise, the government, lawmakers and implementers have started to bend legislation in Turkey… A few days ago, one even said, “laws cannot be higher or more important than traditions.” Now, this is very dangerous. If the law does not protect you, you become vulnerable.

In this sense, these days in Turkey, we are going backwards, not forward. A new, aggressive, backwards culture against women is being carefully seeded; they are putting women back in the kitchen and positioning them as only housewives and mothers in school books, cartoons, state-controlled media and popular culture, in short, through every channel possible. This will also take time to “undo”.

I personally did not go through a certain experience, but it was more a feeling that I got; a feeling of not being protected by the law anymore. I felt unsafe.

Turkey has not only changed since the rise of Erdoğan’s regime, but it has also severely changed since the attempted coup of 2016. Freedom of expression is not as evident as it used to be. Was this difficult for you as a female journalist and writer? How has this affected you and your work?

Personally, I was not doing staunch newspaper or TV journalism, so my field of censorship was more limited than that of in news journalism. But even in our field – lifestyle magazines – we saw changes. We started to be more careful with fashion shoots or other topics that we covered because the profile of our advertisers changed. Our parent company, which also ran a news channel, was subject to a severe censorship that we witnessed daily in the last few years. Some people were not allowed to appear on our screens, some events were not to be covered, or covered only in a way that was allowed. The amount of change was amazing.

Before my last job as the editor of a luxury travel magazine, I managed the PR department of a big hotel in Istanbul for years. We hosted countless press trips and journalists, and in 2012-2013, I remember having a conversation with some Russian journalists. I was surprised to hear how careful they had to be whilst covering news, any type of news. They told us that they were subject to censorship in every field of journalism, and that the state was controlling many things. I remember saying to them, “compared to you, we consider ourselves quite free and lucky”, and I was sincerely upset for them. I could not imagine how they coped with it on a daily basis. Now we can easily compete with Russia.

Turkey was the first country to ratify the ‘Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence’, also known as the Istanbul Convention. At the same time, it seems as if Turkey is lacking the will to implement the Istanbul Convention. For example, a baseline evaluation on Turkey released in 2018 stated that child marriage and domestic violence against women is still a big problem in Turkey. What is your opinion about this situation and why do you think is it so hard for Turkey to combat child marriage and domestic violence?

The problem is that people sitting in “high seats” do not see it as a problem. Therefore, for them, it is not as vital as building mega-airports or roads or compounds or shopping malls. Clearly, it is not a “project”: you cannot make money out of human rights. And, as I mentioned before, this is a whole culture that needs to be transformed. In some parts of Turkey, families marry their children at an early age due to poverty or due to tradition.

They do not see young girls like you and I would see them: for them, they are potential wives and they do not see any harm in this. They would tell you that their mothers also got married when they were 13 or 14 years old. This is just how it goes… You cannot tell these people that the concepts of age and time are different now. Now, humans live longer, and times have changed: girls also have to go to school. If you don’t invest in society, these people are bound to keep believing in the same values for decades.

Concerning domestic violence, I am positive that it is an even bigger issue than it seems because we only read about it or learn something when there is actually a murder or a type of violence that is close to death, and only when incidents are reported at hospitals or police stations. There are so many cases of violence that women do not mention even to their close family and friends; it is just taken for granted. There are various reasons for this: they have nowhere else to go, or they are ashamed to talk about it, or they think it’s the natural, normal way to live life.

A handful of women’s rights foundations must work like detectives to come up with numbers and statistics in order to provide support for these women, the victims. Needless to say, they do not get any help from officials. On the contrary, in many cases they are vilified for supposedly exaggerating or distorting the facts.

I would like to ask you a question about one of your books, more specifically the one that won the EU Prize for Literature. The title of this book is “Exile”, which refers to people that are alienated from their homeland, their families and the community to which they belonged. Do you sometimes feel alienated from your own homeland – Turkey – as a female writer? Why is that?

Exile has reached an international audience because it concerns various levels of humanity and the various conditions of being human. I grew up in a family that was liberal in the sense of education and daily life, but patriarchal when it came to the domestic roles of the genders. I started to think about the issue of being a woman in this society from an early age. I had witnessed how unfair life is for women, not only at home but in many fields.

For example, in business life later on, I worked at big hotels where I saw that women had to work double, and that it actually is a “man’s world”. Again, I must say this was not a “Turkish” issue. I worked at international hotel chains and the macho culture is visible in many European and North American companies. High executives finish deals at bars where women are not invited rather than at morning meetings.

Did I feel alienated as a writer, or as a female writer? No more than the usual level of alienation. Being a writer is not a prestigious occupation in Turkey anyway… Funnily enough, in my professional circle, I used to be better known for my editorship roles and lifestyle journalism for magazines and newspaper weekend supplements more than for my fictional writing. Most of the time, as a writer, you somehow feel alienated. In daily life, I often feel like an “alien”. I don’t feel like talking about the weather, or this or that TV series… I almost always prefer reading, writing or indulging myself in other art forms.

After reading your book, “Exile”, a few stories really stuck with me. Especially the story “My Daughter”, which is about a girl that was the victim of an honour killing by her three brothers. Honour killings primarily affect women and are not only a severe problem in Turkey, but also in many other countries around the globe. How important was it for you to include this story in your book?

This was a true story that I read in a newspaper. I gave it a twist, I gave the characters a voice and turned it into a story. This news literally haunted me. I could not get it out of my head. For me, the real tragedy of this crime lies in the fact that the whole family did it together. Can you imagine? But this must be true for most cases. Not only in honour killings, but in most cases of domestic violence and abuse, including incest.

I see it as a tree with cancer. One branch (usually an adult male) is infected with it first, and then, because a tree is a living organism just like a family, inevitably, the whole tree is infected after a while. And, if one of the branches (or family members) does not want to grow in the same direction as the others, in other words, members who rebel or speak out, they simply cut off that branch.

We must talk about honour killings and incest in Turkey. We cannot pretend that they do not exist. Talking openly will not solve the problem right away, but at least recognising the existence of it, and seeing it as a problem to be solved, would be a start. Even today, we don’t know how many of the “suicides” committed by women are forced suicides or honour killings or another type of domestic violence.

I read that you are a member of the Turkish and Dutch PEN, the international writers’ association that works for oppressed writers, journalists and freedom of expression. Could you tell us a bit more about your work at the Turkish and Dutch PEN? What does the Turkish PEN do to increase freedom of expression in Turkey and how do they decrease censorship?

I am not as actively involved in the Dutch PEN as I am in the Turkish PEN simply because I am not fluent in Dutch – I’m still learning the language. The Turkish PEN is a very active organisation: we have a Women Writers Committee, a Writers in Jail Committee and a Peace Committee (of which I am also a member). These committees are in touch with writers, journalists and academics in jail. They used to visit the detainees but now, for most cases, it’s forbidden to visit. However, they go to their hearings and give them legal support.

PEN Turkey constantly tries to create national and international awareness about the developing situation of freedom of speech, human rights and women’s rights in Turkey through various tools: making, distributing and printing statements, writing in a handful of newspapers that still are able to talk about such issues and using its platform to support NGOs or other groups. For example, this year, the Duygu Asena Award was given to Cumartesi Anneleri (Saturday Mothers) who are searching for their “lost children”.

PEN is also present at various book fairs and events, making its statements concerning freedom of expression and other relevant social and political issues heard. It also organizes its own panels and events in various cities including Samsun, Diyarbakır, İzmir, Bursa, Eskişehir, Ankara and Antalya in this year alone. I represent the Turkish PEN as the Turkish delegate at international PEN conferences whenever I can, updating other national centres on the current situation in Turkey, and continually searching and creating fruitful cooperation between centres.  

In the follow up to the attempted coup in July 2016, the Turkish government launched an unprecedented attack on press freedom: Thousands of journalists lost of their jobs, hundreds were arrested on terror charges, dozens of media outlets were shutdown and the journalists who remained worked in fear. Turkey is now the largest jailer of journalists in the world. As part of this trend, the Turkish judiciary system has been condemned for its abuse of power, by international governments and institutions including the UN, EU and Council of Europe.  As a result, international media and actors have perceived the Turkish state as responsible for suppression on the media freedom, but that claim is not enough to capture the full picture. Fragmentation amongst Turkish media workers, which is sometimes perpetuated by the state, is also a factor in the deterioration of press freedom in Turkey.

Reports show that some of Turkey’s leading journalists are being used as agents by the military and the intelligence organization against their colleagues. For example, the two biggest newspapers of Turkey, Sabah and Hurriyet, published in 1998 a list of journalists who were allegedly collaborators of the outlawed PKK .  According to veteran journalist Cengiz Candar, the list was prepared by the Turkish military and given to his colleagues. As a result of this list, several journalists including Candar lost their jobs. Senior journalist Ergun Babahan, one of the co-editors of Ahval News , said in an interview that journalists working with intelligence can exist in every media. They are supposed to report what is happening within the newspaper they work for. In Turkey, they exist to intimidate their colleagues and even to suppress them”. In this interview, he mentions known journalists collaborating  with the intelligence agency and the military to manage the public opinion including Fatih Altayli and Tuncay Ozkan.

Many Turkish journalists have turned their back to their colleagues during the Ergenekon trials  that implicated Turkey’s political environment on a large scale between 2007-2013 and led to the judicial investigations of a number of journalists including Mustafa Balbay, Ahmet Sik and Nedim Sener. Many unsubstantiated allegations about dissident media workers were reported by Turkey’s media, especially by pro-government and Gulenist journalists, as if all of the allegations were proven facts. To describe the defamation of journalists by their colleagues in this era, Ozge Mumcu wrote in her column “A  gossip campaign run by an army of media can only be called ‘propaganda’. Even if its name has changed after Goebbels, this can only be called propaganda.”

Years have passed but the tradition of defaming and attacking to colleagues has not changed in Turkish media. A prominent case involves journalist Hayko Bagdat has been lynched by his colleagues last year. Bagdat has fled Turkey to Germany following an incident of his passport was temporarily seized in  August 2016 by the police on landing at Istanbul Airport. He escaped the waves of persecution targeting dissident journalists and started to live in Berlin wearing a bullet proof vest on the recommendation of the German police. A couple of weeks before Turkey’s presidential election held in June of this year, Bagdat penned a piece saying people who support the pro-Kurdish HDP like himself should never vote for the oppositional candidate Muharrem Ince who he described as an ultra-nationalist.  A massive wave of lynching has targeted him immediately after his article was published online. Among his critiques, well-known journalist Ahmet Sik who was one of the victims of earlier persecutions, also a candidate of HDP for the parliament, accused him of being on the side of police in Gezi Protests and said he was “greedy of fame” in his tweets. Following Siks’s tweets, many other fellow journalists and politicians made insulting statements about Bagdat.  For example, Haluk Hepkon, a publisher and columnist, said “I am losing my hope for a bright future as I see that people keep reading and discussing Hayko Bagdat’s writings. I mean, well, this is Hayko Bagdat… Just feed him, give water, clean his litter and provide him pocket money if you want him to write what you want.” Ayhan Bilgen, HDP Spokesperson,  reacted against Bagdat’s bold statement saying “It is wisely said that you better have a smart enemy instead of a stupid friend”. As a result, Bagdat was demoralized and his reputation is severely damaged which is a big burden on a journalist who already has to live in exile for his dissenting opinions. He said in his later column “ I will support you (Muharrem Ince) and encourage my friends to vote for you. By doing this, I am, as an Armenian, apologizing to the founding elements of Turkey. I am apologizing to my killer as I have always to do. I am betraying myself by writing this. I am betraying not because I am afraid of the Turkish state but because my friends are upset.”

Another journalist who has recently been lynched by colleagues is Ece Sevim Ozturk. She is an investigative journalist and the editor of Cagdas Ses (Contemporary Voice) News Portal. Recently, she has been investigating the failed coup attempt. In her documentary about the aborted coup, Ece questioned the government’s narrative and raised new questions based on the testimonies of the suspects and witnesses of the ongoing trials. Her thorough investigation has made her one of the latest victims of the brutal crackdown on the journalists. First, pro-government Yeni Safak daily pointed her as a target by publishing an article in which she was pictured as a collaborator of so-called coup plotters. The day after Yeni Safak’s article, ODA TV’s Nihat Genc published[  an article calling her “whitewasher of the coup plotters”.  A few days later, Ozturk’s house was raided by police at 02.30 am and she was detained. She had been held in prison until recently.

One of the most recent attack to independent journalism is the Cumhuriyet’s takeover by a group of ultranationalists supported by the government. Cumhuriyet was left as the strongest voice of the dissidents before the takeover as its Chief Editor and several journalists including Kadri Gursel, Erdem Gul and Ahmet Sik were arrested in the aftermath of the attempted coup. The group supported by the government has taken the control of the newspaper. Kati Piri, Member of the European Parliament and Turkey Rapporteur said “ After raids, legal proceedings, arrests & imprisonment of its journalists, last independent newspaper #Cumhuriyet now taken over by ultra-nationalists, aligned with President #Erdogan. Is this final blow to what was left of press freedom in #Turkey?”  Following the takeover, many journalists have lost their jobs.

What’s important to note is that the state has created a climate of fear in which journalists are working in. The constant threat of trumped up charges or of being fired forces other media workers to remain silent.
Journalists should be free to criticise anyone including their peers. In Turkey, these critcisms can lead to campaigns of harassment which can lead to arrest or job loss. Journalism is under serious threat in Turkey but this pressure emanates not only from the government and a lack of an independent judiciary but also the fragmentation of the media enables the government to sustain its suppression. International organizations and institutions should try to facilitate overcoming this fragmentation and unite around the idea of liberty for the peaceful expression of opinions.

Jenny Vanderlinden, Amnesty International Turkey Coordinator

Taner has become a potent symbol of the thousands of people unjustly jailed as part of the crackdown that has gripped Turkey since the failed coup in 2016.

Stefan Simanowitz, Amnesty International Media Coordinator

Taner Kılıç, the Chair of Amnesty International Turkey, was arrested on June 6^th, 2017. As his house and office were searched, Kılıç was put in pre-trial detention at Şakran prison in Izmir. He became one of many people incarcerated in Turkey on baseless grounds, and as a prominent human rights defender his plight became symbolic. Several hearings, one promising release decision, one disappointing appeal, and countless calls justice later, it has been 365 days since Kılıç’s arrest. On the year anniversary of this egregious injustice, I outline Kılıç’s case, and what it represents for Turkey and his fellow colleagues.

Kılıç was arrested on accusations of using the messaging application ByLock. According to Turkish authorities, ByLock was the go-to communication software for FETO (the ‘terrorist’ name for followers of Fethullah Gulen) and was used to orchestrate the July 2016 coup attempt. In 2017, Turkish courts ruled that downloading ByLock was sufficient proof of ‘membership of a terrorist organisation’. Using a messaging application should never be considered a crime. Moreover, it has since been ruled that at least 11,480 people accused of downloading ByLock in fact never had; instead, they had been redirected to the ByLock server via other applications. In Kılıç’s case, four independent forensic analyses of his phone showed no evidence of him ever downloading it. Kılıç also refutes the accusation. Nonetheless, he has remained in detention after several hearings on his case.

On the 31^st of January this year, after spending eight months in pre-trial detention, an Istanbul court ordered the conditional release of Kılıç. This was due to the independent forensic analyses in absence of any ByLock use evidence presented by authorities, despite the latter being requested repeatedly by the courts. Kılıç, his wife and three daughters, fellow Amnesty colleagues and people world over were ecstatic about his release, albeit being a belated one. But instead of being welcomed into the arms of his friends and family, Kılıç was taken to a nearby police station to spend the night. His release had been appealed by another court. By the following day, the appeal was accepted by the same court which ordered his release; Kılıç was to return to prison for the remainder of his trial.

This is the latest example of the crisis in Turkey’s justice system that is ruining lives and hollowing out the right to a fair trial. To have been granted release only to have the door to freedom so callously slammed in his face is devastating for Taner, his family and all who stand for justice in Turkey.

Salil Shetty, Amnesty International Secretary General

The baseless arrest of Taner Kılıç, and the savage blow of being released only for the court to overturn the decision, is reflective of Turkey’s broken justice system. Thousands of Turkish NGOs and human rights defenders have been persecuted in recent years, not to mention journalists, prosecutors and judges, and other citizens. Many release decisions have been reversed in the highly politicised courts. Kılıç’s circumstances are also exemplary of the calls for justice in a country where anybody can be held in lengthy detention without having committed a crime. Indeed, people around the world have called on Turkey to immediately release Kılıç, including United Nations experts and the Council of Europe.

Amnesty International itself is dedicated to obtaining Kılıç’s freedom, alongside that of other innocents in Turkey. They call on President Erdogan to remember that in 1998, Amnesty campaigned for his own release whilst as Mayor of Istanbul he was detained for a religious poem. In a cruel twist, Erdogan’s regime is now jailing members of this renowned organisation. Kılıç, symbolic of the lengths Turkey will go to in order to deflect criticism of rights abuses, could also be symbolic in release.

His release would be a signal that the government is stepping back on its crackdown on civil society under the state of emergency and that courts are able to take decisions based on evidence. His release would prove that the judiciary is resisting to extreme political pressure.

Jenny Vanderlinden, Amnesty International Turkey Coordinator

And Amnesty International, nor any other defenders of human rights in Turkey, will cease to call for justice. Many who are wrongfully imprisoned, including Kılıç, face the fear of becoming forgotten. But Turkey’s persecuted will not be forgotten.

After the failed coup, the authorities used the state of emergency as an excuse to silence civil society, dissidents, human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists and many other actors for a tweet, an article, a speech or simply for doing their job. We will not stop fighting for these people’s rights, never. And we’ll continue to show Taner Kılıç and other people that they will never be forgotten prisoners.

Jenny Vanderlinden, Amnesty International Turkey Coordinator

Kılıç’s next hearing is set for the 21^st of June 2018. His case has been merged with that of the Istanbul 10; this is 10 other persecuted human rights defenders including Idil Eser, the Director of Amnesty International Turkey. If found guilty, Kılıç faces up to 15 years in prison. You too can ensure Kılıç knows he is not forgotten by sending him a message here, and by calling on Turkish authorities to immediately release him here.

Die Gedanken sind frei,

wer kann sie erraten,

sie fliehen vorbei

wie nächtliche Schatten.

Kein Mensch kann sie wissen,

kein Jäger erschießen,

es bleibet dabei:

die Gedanken sind frei.

…

Und sperrt man mich ein

Im finsteren Kerker,

das alles sind rein

vergebliche Werke;

denn meine Gedanken

zerreißen die Schranken

und Mauern entzwei:

die Gedanken sind frei.

(Deutsches Volkslied zur Gedankenfreiheit, 1780).

About The Author

Hilal Akdeniz

Hilal Akdeniz is a junior researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Goethe University Frankfurt. Her main topics are gender, flight and migration. She is currently researching biographical narratives of refugees on identity and affiliation. She works as a freelance journalist and a speaker at the intercultural council in Darmstadt.

Der 3. Mai ist der Tag der Pressefreiheit. Die Welt feiert die Macht, die als fünfte und regulierende Kraft in Staatssystem gilt. Ein aktueller Beitrag der zeigt jedoch, dass diese regulierende Instanz stark gefährdet ist. Selbst in den demokratischen europäischen Ländern häufen sich Hetze und Gewalt gegenüber Journalisten. Eine Rangliste von 180 Staaten macht deutlich, dass Staaten, die zuvor als Demokratie- gefestigt, Menschrechte- befürwortend und Meinungsfreiheit- bestärkend galten, auf ihren Rangreihen abgerutscht sind. Die Länder, die ihre Gesamtpunktzahl der Bewertungskriterien behalten oder gar vermehrt haben sind in der extremen Unterzal.

Die Liste wird eröffnet mit den Platzbesten Norwegen und Schweden und geschlossen mit Nordkorea. Deutschland macht Platz 15 und die USA Platz 45. Für zwei Staaten, die im Weltgeschehen so viel Einfluss und Macht haben, sind diese Plätze eher ein Armutszeugnis.

Man könnte nun glauben, dass unser globalisiertes und modernes Zeitalter, in dem doch jeder einzelne mittels Internet und Informationsüberflut bereits selbst als quasi-Journalist agiert und dass die Nachrichtenbeschaffung ein neues Format angenommen hat. Die Schranken und Zensuren können heute gar nicht mehr wie früher gelegt werden, jeder kann sie mannigfach umgehen, könnte man meinen. Das dem nicht so ist sieht man heute eigentlich eindeutig an zwei Fällen: Nordkorea und Türkei. Nordkorea hat sein ganzes Netz nach außen und nach innen komplett abgeschottet. Alle Bürger, die sich gegen diese Maßnahmen widersetzen, werden bestraft. Es gibt unzählige Menschen, die für ihre Texte auf ihren Blogs in Haft sitzen!

Besonders heikel ist es leider in der Türkei. In den vergangenen zwei Jahren hat sich das Land in ein riesiges Gefängnis abgewandelt. Es ist derzeit das größte Gefängnis für Journalisten weltweit. Mit den 180 Journalisten, die aktuell in Haft sitzen, könnte man mehrere Publikationen allein aus dem Gefängnis produzieren. In dem aktuellen Themenbeitrag von Anmesty International heißt es:

“Massive und unrechtmäßige Einschränkungen der Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit sind in der Türkei seit Ausrufung des Ausnahmezustands im Juli 2016 an der Tagesordnung“, sagt Janine Uhlmannsiek, Expertin für Europa und Zentralasien bei Amnesty International in Deutschland. “Mehr als 180 Medienhäuser hat die Regierung schließen lassen, mehr als 120 Journalistinnen und Journalisten befinden sich in Haft und Tausende Medienschaffende haben ihren Job verloren. Die Pressefreiheit in der Türkei liegt seit fast zwei Jahren in Ketten.“

Es wird um konstanten Druck von außen gefordert:

“Die türkische Regierung missbraucht die weitreichenden Befugnisse, die sie durch den Ausnahmezustand erhält, um die Zivilgesellschaft zu unterdrücken und kritische Stimmen zum Schweigen zu bringen. Damit verletzt sie die Rechte auf Meinungs-, Versammlungs- und Vereinigungsfreiheit“, so Uhlmannsiek. “Die deutsche Bundesregierung muss – genau wie die internationale Staatengemeinschaft – weiter Druck auf die türkische Regierung ausüben: Die täglichen Menschenrechtsverletzungen in der Türkei dürfen nicht in Vergessenheit geraten, auch wenn die Regierung in Ankara prominente gefangene Deutsche freigelassen hat. Es gilt, deutlich Kritik zu äußern und die türkische Regierung zur Einhaltung ihrer menschenrechtlichen Verpflichtungen aufzufordern. Die türkische Zivilgesellschaft und die freie Presse kämpfen ums Überleben. Dabei darf die internationale Gemeinschaft sie nicht alleine lassen.“

Dass Druck von außen in Idealfall etwas bewirken kann, sah man im Fall Deniz Yücel, der nach nichtveröffentlichten Gesprächen und Deals freigelassen wurde. Dass es aber auch ganz anders verlaufen kann, sieht man im Fall der Altan-Brüder: obwohl der europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte die Unrechtmäßigkeit der Haft verkündet hat, hat sich in der Situation der Journalisten nichts verändert.

Obwohl unzählige Journalisten gefangen sind, motivieren Beiträge und Mitteilungen gerade jener aus der Haft. Es hat den Anschein, dass dieser Zustand sie noch vielmehr bestärkt hat in ihrem Beruf, in ihrer Berufung. Die inhaftierte Journalistin Zehra Dogan  teilte zum Beispiel mit „Ich bin im Gefängnis aber ich bin keine Gefangene“.  Die Worte der jungen Dogan geben so viel Hoffnung und Mut, für Inhaftierte und all jene, die draußen auf sie warten: „Jeden Tag zeigen wir, dass Kunst und Journalismus nicht eingesperrt werden können. Wir werden unseren Kampf fortsetzen und weiterhin sagen “Journalismus ist kein Verbrechen”, bis alle Journalisten frei sind !“ Wie heißt es doch so schön in dem Volkslied? Die Gedanken sind frei….

Since the attempted coup d’état in July 2016, civil liberties and democratic values have been constantly curbed in Turkey.

The legitimate right of any democratically elected government to ensure its existence and to protect itself in case of illegitimate attacks on its institutions, has been over-exploited with the sole aim to silent all forms of internal dissent.

As highlighted by the recently published Amnesty International Annual Report, the overall human rights situation in the country is as critical as never before and no improvement is expected for the following months.

Although it is undeniable that the after-coup Turkey is experiencing an unstoppable downfall, a collapse from a democratic perspective, it would be way too simplicistic for any observer of the country’s domestic affairs, to not ponder and analyze, or rather criticize, the role and inaction of the external interlocutors while addressing the crackdown.

Several cases could be examined to investigate the erosion of the abovementioned fundamental rights but one among others significantly explains the current situation in Turkey: the ruling of 16th of February. In the broadly knownas the “Altans’ case”, involving the brothers Ahmet and Mehmet Altan, alongside the co-defendants Nazlı Ilıcak, Ahmet and Mehmet Altan, Fevzi Yazıcık, Şűkrű Tuğrul and Yakup Şimşek, all the media professionals were found guilty and given aggravated life sentences on charges of “trying to abolish the constitutional order of the Republic of Turkey by resorting to the use of force and violence” under article 309 of the Turkish penal code.

The verdict, the first one issued against journalists and intellectuals accused of being involved in the 2016 coup attempt, came one month after the ruling of the Turkish Constitutional Court’s (TCC) one which stated that the charges levelled against the Altan brothers were characterized by several irregularities. Despite the supreme court’s decision, a lower court decided to disregard the judgement and to continue the detention of the defendants.

The oddity of the verdict issued on 16th of February is its timing: on the same day, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe (CoE), Thorbjørn Jagland, was in Ankara delivering a key-note speech to over 400 over 400 candidate judges and prosecutors of the Justice Academy at the premises of the Constitutional Court, emphasizing the role and the importance of the Supreme Court in ensuring the values enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).

Mr. Jagland, stressing on the CoE’s full support to Turkish authorities to investigate the attempted putsch, underlined as well the importance of the underogable rights such as the ones prescribed by art. 2 (right to life), art. 3 (prohibition of torture), art. 4 (prohibition of slavery and forced labour) and art. 7 (no punishment without law), expressing the European regarding the length and the scope of ongoing state of emergency. Emphasizing the crucial function of Freedom of Expression (FoE-art. 10 ECHR) and, consequently, of journalists and media outlets in contributing to the advancement of a healthy, democratic environment, the Secretary General cheered the activity of the TCC for upholding human rights, notably FoE and pre-trial detention (referring to the Mehmet Altan’s judgement, 11 January 2018), while in Istanbul the 26^th Criminal Court was sentencing to life imprisonment six journalists, representatives of one of the pillars of a functioning democracy, as stated several times by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) as well.

The judgement of the Istanbul’s court shows the current erosion of the rule of law in Turkey, a process which is infringing the very foundation of the Republic and it is doing the groundwork for further violations of paramount rights, such as the right to a fair trial (art. 6 ECHR).

As remarked by Veysel Ok, co founder of the Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA) and lawyer of Deniz Yűcel and the Altan brothers, due to the refusal of a lower court to obey a Constitutional Court’s ruling, the only way for lawyers and inmates in Turkey is to address directly to the ECHR, despite not all domestic legal remedies have been exhausted.

The words of Mr. Ok shone a light on another controversial topic in regard to the current Turkish situation: the independence of judiciary, one of the most important checks in a democratic society. The disfunctioning of the judicial power, the interference of the executive power would continue to bring direct consequences in the country.

At this very moment, the ECtHR and European institutions should engage more to protect human rights values and fundamental rights as enshrined by the ECtHR, bearing in mind that there is no independency for rule of law in Turkey nowadays.

*Roberto Frifrini, currently based in Paris, is a human right defender focusing on
Turkey and South-East Mediterranean countries (minorities and migrants’
rights, civil liberties, geopolitics, EU policies) He is a member of the Human
Rights Agenda Association, a Turkish NGO currently based in Izmir and a
freelance journalist. ]]> 2903 https://platformpj.org/interview-peace-petition-signatory-prof-mehmet-ugur-regime-turkey-poses-serious-security-threat-ordinary-europeans/ Fri, 26 Jan 2018 22:51:45 +0000 https://platformpj.org/?p=2788 By Fernando Lozano, 27 January 2018 PART 1

Mehmet Ugur is Professor of Economics and Institutions and member of Greenwich Political Economy Research Centre (GPERC) at the Department of International Business and Economics, University of Greenwich.

Ugur is not only an expert on economy but also he is an activist and human rights defender.

He is one of the Peace Petition signatories. At the end of 2015, the predominantly Kurdish regions of Turkey entered an intensifying spiral of violence. Curfews were enforced in different cities and districts lasting for days, weeks and even months. Entire neighborhoods were razed to the ground. People were left homeless, many lost their lives.

In the face of these developments, 1128 academics decided not to remain silent and issued a statement titled “We will not be a party to this crime!”.

It called on the government and the security forces to abide by domestic and international law and to return to the peace process that had been interrupted after the national elections of June 7, 2015.

After the petition was made public, the Academics for Peace were specifically targeted by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and subsequently turned into objects of hatred and defamation in the media.

Since then, they have been attacked and threatened and became subject to administrative and criminal investigations. Some were arrested and kept in prison for more than one month. Hundreds of them have been dismissed from their positions by order of the Council of Education and university administrations.

Under the state of emergency declared after the coup attempt of July 15, 2016, hundreds of Academics for Peace were removed from universities and banned from public service. Their passports have been invalidated hindering these academics from travelling abroad. In December 2017, judicial proceedings begin against the signatories, on the charge of “propaganda for a terrorist organization.”

Prof. Ugur answered Fernando Lozano’s questions. We are publishing his very interesting answers in series of interviews.

You have published a brief article on opendemocracy.net in which you express your disappointment with lack of reaction from UNESCO to the situation of Turkish hunger strikers Nuriye Gulmen and Semih Ozakca.

Can you tell us about what should international organizations like UNESCO, UN and ECHR do concerning the ongoing purge in Turkey especially for the academics?

Yes, I have. My argument was simple: UNESCO Recommendations concerning higher-education teaching personnel contain ample provisions for protecting academic freedom and freedom of expression. Also, fostering and maintaining intellectual solidarity is one of UNESCO’s aims.

Despite these commitments, the UNESCO has demonstrated a shameful failure in taking up the cases of the hunger-strikers, Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça, who had been dismissed from their jobs unlawfully and detained cruelly on the 75^th day of their hunger strike. The hunger strikers had a simple demand: they wanted their jobs back!

The UNESCO has also ignored a widely-supported petition and two letters we submitted to them in support of the hunger strikers’ demand. These initiatives were organised by academics purged and persecuted by the Turkish government – the signatories of the Academics for Peace declaration living in the United Kingdom. UNESCO’s silence is particularly concerning in an age of rising authoritarianism and wide-spread attacks on education professionals in Turkey and beyond. It is also outrages because UNESCO officials did not even bother to reply to our letters despite the fact their salaries are funded by our taxes and the taxes paid by the hunger-strikers and their supporters globally.

Other international bodies such as the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN Special Rapporteur fared much better. They documented the widespread violations of human rights and democratic freedoms in Turkey. However, their reports have remained largely ineffective in instigating political actions from ‘liberal’ European governments.

Worse still, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has handed down a string of decisions that made a mockery of the right of appeal from individuals in Turkey.

In August 2017, it rejected an application by solicitors of Ms Gülmen and Mr Özakça on the grounds that their detention on the 75^th day of their hunger strike did not pose any health risk! It has also rejected applications by academics purged without due process on the grounds that the Turkish government has set up an inquiry commission to deal with their complaints. The same attitude revealed itself in the case of appeals by the Kurds under long-term curfews and bombardment by the Turkish army.

The applications by detained co-chairs of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) have not been rejected yet, but the ECHR is taking its time despite ample evidence that the Turkish judiciary is under strict control of the government and the latter is not heeding the rulings of its own constitutional court!

Lack of determination, perverse judicial rulings, and complicit appeasement by national governments have given emboldened the regime in Turkey to escalate its crackdown on dissent. Now we are faced with a situation where civil-society and political actors risking their lives and liberties for defending democracy and human rights are left to their own devices by the very institutions that they fund and support as international defenders of these values.

The large-scale violations of academic freedom and the purge of academics in Turkey are parts of a strategy of rolling back an essentially weak democracy and building a nationalist-religious dictatorial regime under the gaze of international organisations and national governments. Indeed European governments are singing democracy and human rights songs on the one hand but they are outbidding each other to sign lucrative arms and investment deals with the regime.

Let us bear in mind that the signatories of the Academics for Peace declaration have been targeted by Mr Erdogan because they rejected to be a party to state crimes committed against the Kurdish people. This rejection was considered as a serious challenge to the legitimacy of an emerging nationalist-religious political system that demands 100% obedience and servitude to authority – be it patriarchal or political.

Purged academics, particularly those targeted because of their criticism of the Turkish government’s hostility towards its own Kurdish people and its neighbours, expect and call upon the international community to stand for democracy and human rights. The rationale for this expectation can be summarised under three points.

1. We are deeply concerned that European and international organisations that have risen out of the ashes of the World War II to defend democracy, human rights and peace are showing clear signs of dysfunctionality, which may lead to marginalisation over time. Clearly, the European institutions have been ineffective in forcing European governments to uphold democratic values at home and take a stance against rising authoritarianism in Europe and beyond.

2. Progressive academics in Turkey are deeply concerned that civil society organisations and actors in support of democracy and human rights are left to their own devices in front of a dictatorial regime that the European governments failed to challenge in any effective way.

3. Appeasement of the Turkish rulers since the Ottoman Empire have only led to repeated catastrophes, including the Armenian genocide, violent suppression of several Kurdish revolts, pogroms against non-Muslim communities, more than four decades of state-orchestrated violence against the Kurds and their supporters, and politicide (political genocide) against elected representatives of the Kurds at the national and local levels.

With this framework in mind, and given that Academics for Peace signatories have already paid a heavy price and are likely to pay even a higher price through prison sentences of up to seven-and-half years, I urge the European public, the European institutions and the European governments to:

• Take legal and political actions against the violations of international norms by the Turkish government;
• Declare the ongoing state of emergency as unlawful;
• Call on Turkey to seek a peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue;
• Declare the purges of academics without due process and the ongoing trials as unlawful;
• Name and shame national governments or business organisations in Europe and beyond that sign arms/investment deals that jeopardise peace and justice in Turkey;
• Recognize the fact that the scale of the attack against academics in Turkey constitutes the most worrying emergency after the purges under the Nazi regime;
• Fund and call on higher education institutions to make special arrangements for enabling academics in exile to continue with their research and teaching activities; and
• Call on European and North American governments to make provisions for a special immigration status for academics whose passports are revoked by the Turkish government and/or those who cannot renew their visas because of the risks involved in travelling to Turkey for visa applications.

Enes Kanter is not only the top earning Turkish professional basketball player but also the most expensive sports transfer in Turkish history. He plays  for the New York Knicks of the National Basketball Association (NBA).

Kanter wrote on the Players’ Tribune earlier this year “You guys need to know what is going on in Turkey right now,”, after his airport scare. “I hope people around the world will open their eyes to the human rights abuses. Things have gotten very bad over the last year. This is not my opinion. We don’t know everything that is happening inside Turkey, but we do know some facts. Newspapers and media have been restricted. Academics have been fired. Peaceful protesting is not allowed. Many people have been imprisoned without any real charges. There are reports of torture and rape and worse.”

He is well known for his athletic success as well as his fight with Turkey’s president for basic human rights and democracy .

PPJ invited Enes Kanter for a talk on what is all his fight about .

PPJ: You are ranked as the most expensive sports transfer and the highest-paid athlete of all of the times in Turkish history and haven’t got called up to national basketball team at your best. The National team coach said a few years ago that “Enes represents his country in a best way in the NBA, but although called to the national team squad he hasn’t turned up in the last two years. He had a knee operation before the world championship and could not come up the national team. He still has not ask for apology for the incidents” referring to the political argument between him and the president. Do you believe that your political views have an impact on your sports career?

Kanter: Most definitely — it is clear that my political position has affected my standing with the national team. In fact, in many Turkish newspaper there is no mention of me in the sports section ever — however if another Turkish player does something there is a large amount of praise. Many papers know if they speak of me their newspapers may get shut down or penalized. I have accepted this fact. It is a shame, because I wish I could represent Turkey and help our team win games

PPJ: Now we know Turkish prosecutors plan to request for you a 4 year prison sentence for insulting the President due to your criticism. What is your take on both on?

Kanter: This is something I expected. Honestly, I thought they would request more years because other citizens get a larger sentence. This is the sad reality in Turkey now. If you criticize the government you will be jailed — this puts even moderate opposition in a bad position because people wont point out any injustices that are happening.

PPJ: In May, you were detained at a Romanian airport after being informed of the cancellation of your Turkish passport. Why was that? Do you think that the gov’t is taking measure to impose pressure against critical figures also out of Turkey and do you feel safe outside TR?

Kanter: Yes. They have already extradited many people outside Turkey and even hired law firms to find ways to extradite people from America and countries with strong and respected court systems. They canceled my passport because they assumed if it was cancelled I would be deported back to Turkey. Thankfully, the US officials helped me and I was able to make it safely back to the US.

PPJ: A brief google search prior to this interview showed that pro gov’t media has produce lots of materIal against you. Why do you think the main stream media is against you and even sports media refrain mentioning your name on their reports?

Kanter: The material produced against me is me criticizing the government arresting women and children and abducting people. I don’t deny saying this. This is clear evidence which you can find from Human Rights Watch and other reputable organizations. There is only one type of media — media run by Erdogan and his allies. If you do some research you will find around a 100 media companies and news organizations have been shut down (this was the opposition or unbiased news) so the only media you get right now is media that is controlled by the government — similar to some communist countries.

PPJ: Now it is said that you would be tried in absentia regarding tweets you posted about Erdogan in May and June 2016. Are you afraid of the incoming judicial process, do you feel secure in terms of guarantees? Do you think this is a message to political opposition figures in general?

Kanter: I think the decision about what will happen to me in Turkey was made long time ago, before even announcing they will try me. The court system is more like a circus. They are pretending to have the rule of law while in reality things are predetermined. I am not worried because i am in America and intelligent people know what is happening in Turkey.

PPJ: You are being called a terrorist by Turkish government. What is your opinion on the widespread use of this term by the Government?

Kanter: This is a term that many governments are using to scare people and get public support. No one likes terrorists — so if you brand your opponents as terrorists its easy to get support. Some people are bad people and deserve this term. But i am an NBA player who works in the community and helps my team and friends. The Turkish government has even accuses the US of being terrorist sponsors, they are a joke now. ]]> 2762 https://platformpj.org/news-turkey-among-countries-restricting-freedoms-internet/ Wed, 15 Nov 2017 16:48:32 +0000 https://platformpj.org/?p=2382 (Source: bianet.org)

Turkey has been listed among the countries in which Internet freedoms are restricted most in US-based think tank Freedom House’s report.

Restrictions and bans on Internet have been examined for 65 countries as part of the study conducted by the US-based think tank Freedom House.

“Of the 65 countries assessed, 32 have been on an overall decline since June 2016”, the report said.

Among the countries where Internet freedom has declined are France, England and the United States. Internet freedom has improved in 13 countries.

The 21 countries where “Internet is not free”

Violation trends

* Major trends in restriction of Internet were listed as follows:

* Mobile activities were limited by the states

* More governments blocked live-streaming

* Technical attacks against media outlets, dissidents and rights defenders increased

* New restrictions were imposed on the VPNs

Dramatic increases occurred in physical attacks against Netizens (Internet citizens) and Internet journalists.

Turkey

Following information about Turkey took place in the report:

“ByLock” detail in the report

Pointing to the ByLock operations launched in the wake of July 15 coup attempt, the report said, “In Turkey, thousands of smartphone owners were arrested simply for having downloaded the encrypted communication app ByLock, which was available publicly through Apple and Google app stores, amid allegations that the app was used by those involved in the failed July 2016 coup attempt”.

Whatsapp

There are examples in the report about Turkey in terms of blocking access.

“WhatsApp remained the most targeted communication tool, experiencing disruptions in 12 of the 65 countries assessed. In Turkey, for example, the authorities regularly throttled traffic for WhatsApp to render it virtually inaccessible during politically charged events”.

Internet Trolls

The report also drew attention to “online manipulation” by the governing party, Justice and Development Party (AKP).

“In Turkey, numerous reports have referred to an organization of “AK Troller,” or “White Trolls,” named after the ruling Justice and Development Party, whose Turkish acronym AK also means “white” or ‘clean’.

“Some 6,000 people have allegedly been enlisted by the party to manipulate discussions, drive particular agendas, and counter government opponents on social media. Journalists and scholars who are critical of the government have faced orchestrated harassment on Twitter, often by dozens or even hundreds of users”. (PT/HK/EA/TK)

Click here to read the full report ]]> 2382 https://platformpj.org/news-dutch-fox-says-mit-report-bylock-manipulated-results-screenshots/ Thu, 14 Sep 2017 14:20:41 +0000 https://platformpj.org/?p=2278 FOX-IT,  a digital security company, has published its report on the controversial smartphone application called ByLock. Turkey’s National Intelligence Organization (Millî İstihbarat Teşkilatı or MİT in Turkish) has investigated the relation of a publicly available smart phone messaging application called ByLock to “FETÖ/PDY”, which is alleged to have been used during the failed coup attempt in Turkey on July 15, 2016.

The MİT is reported to have identified 215,092 users of the ByLock. Of which approximately 75,000 were detained. In an attempt to link a user of ByLock to a real person, the MİT has written a report on its findings which concluded that “ByLock has been offered to the exclusive use of the ‘FTÖ/PDY’ members”.

However, the investigation performed by Fox-IT contradicts the key findings of the MİT. Fox-IT also discovered inconsistencies in the MİT report that indicated manipulation of results and/or screenshots by MİT. What is more, Fox-IT found that the MİT investigation is fundamentally flawed due to the contradictory and baseless findings, lack of objectivity and lack of transparency.

Overall, Fox-IT concluded that the quality of the MİT report is very low, especially when it was weighed against the legal consequences of the conclusions which is the detention of 75,000 Turkish citizens.

Read the full report.